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The
Transition to Monetary Union
by
Alberto Giovannini
Neither the Delors Report nor the European Commission paper of March
1990 specifies the process of transition to Economic and Monetary Union.
The controversy over a common versus a single currency is not urgent,
despite the emphasis on it in the recent Ernst and Young and Butler
Reports. A common currency is certainly the ultimate goal, and a
currency reform will be a useful step towards this end, but the key
problems will be the stability of the EMS during the transition and the
role of `Eurofed' in harmonizing Community and national monetary and
exchange rate policies.
These problems are far from insuperable, however, and I propose to
demonstrate below that they can be overcome quite easily provided that
three essential conditions are met. First, bilateral central exchange
rates must be irrevocably fixed from the start of Stage I of Delors, to
avoid the danger that monetary convergence will be postponed
indefinitely. Second, in order to make these fixed parities credible,
governments should declare now that instead of responding to disruptions
in the foreign exchange markets by realignments, they will instead meet
any destabilizing speculation by accelerating the move towards monetary
union. Third, the European System of Central Banks recently christened `Eurofed'
should initially be formed of two separate bodies, an Exchange Rates
Stabilization Authority and the Board of Central Bank Governors, whose
distinct roles in the transition period are carefully defined below.
The Delors Report underestimates the threats to monetary stability and
the EMS presented by the deregulation of financial markets. Speculators
will seek to exploit exchange rate volatility without capital controls
and with destabilizing innovations in European banking and financial
markets, as well as changes in the relative demands for European
currencies as private agents are increasingly able to use any of the EMS
currencies to settle bilateral obligations. Further, if private agents
expect a devaluation of the exchange rate, and wages and prices increase
as a result, then the central bank has only two unpalatable options: it
can either refuse to accommodate this increase in inflation, thus giving
rise to a real appreciation and a current account deficit, or
accommodate it by devaluing the exchange rate, thus validating
expectations.
Bilateral central rates must be irrevocably fixed from the start of
Stage I, in order to avoid the danger that monetary convergence could be
postponed indefinitely. These fixed exchange rate parities may be made
more credible, while preserving flexibility for national monetary
authorities to adapt to changing conditions, if it is agreed and
announced in advance by the national governments that any disruptions in
foreign exchange markets that would traditionally be met by realignments
will be met instead by an acceleration of the final monetary reform. In
this way, it will be possible to prevent the possibility of successful
destabilizing speculation while still preserving the virtues of
gradualism.The political obstacles to such an acceleration of the union
in the face of disruptions during the transitional stages should be
minimal compared with the likely undoing of the project. Indeed, the
opportunity cost of substituting a single currency for a system of
irrevocably fixed exchange rates should be zero. The institutional
details of a European central bank will be worked out soon, and the
costs of the proposed acceleration are unlikely to be significant.
Moreover, the option of acceleration would in any case be unlikely to be
exercised in a world of rational agents and properly functioning
markets.
Since financial markets are not always characterized by rational
behaviour, however, it is necessary to develop an institutional
framework for Eurofed that will be capable of absorbing shocks and
facilitating the coordination of national monetary policies during the
transition period. This may be achieved by dividing the Eurofed into an
Exchange Rates Stabilization Authority (ERSA), with a mandate to manage
intra-European exchange rates and foreign exchange operations relative
to the dollar, and a Board of Central Bank Governors (BCBG), which would
act as a consulting body to coordinate national monetary policies during
the transition, during which the central banks will continue to control
their domestic credit policies.
The division of responsibilities between ERSA and BCBG thus corresponds
to the separation of the two fundamental functions of central banking
under fixed exchange rates money creation and foreign exchange market
intervention and will lead to increased transparency, by making the
sterilization of ERSA's operations by any country more clearly
identifiable. The credibility of the fixed exchange rates will be
enhanced by the delegation of their management to ERSA, and flexibility
will be provided by the ability of ERSA to absorb currency-specific
shocks without compelling countries to adjust to them immediately.
ERSA should manage intra-European exchange rates and foreign exchange
operations relative to the dollar. Its portfolio must be large enough to
carry out foreign exchange interventions without recourse to borrowing
from member countries. My preliminary estimates suggest the optimal ERSA
portfolio would be 5-10% of the total supply of money of the member
countries.
BCBG should coordinate national monetary policies, which retain a degree
of autonomy, and review the operations of ERSA. Shifts in the
composition of ERSA's portfolio will act as a warning sign that national
monetary policies are inconsistent with the fixed exchange rates. BCBG
would act on these signals. It would not decide on the appropriate
monetary stance for individual central banks, but would help them to
identify viable alternatives and reach informal agreements. BCBG would
have no need for voting rules, since none of its tasks involve
collective decisions. It should be granted maximum independence from
outside bodies such as national governments, and this should make it
better able to encourage sound anti-inflationary policies than is
possible with the present informal bargaining in the EMS.
The ultimate objective of the project of European integration is the
currency reform, which will occur either after successful refinements of
the rules governing the twin institutions the ERSA and the BCBG or
whenever the slow transition proves to be too vulnerable to financial
market instabilities. The currency reform is a simple redefinition of
units leaving the real value of all existing assets and liabilities in
the economy unaffected. A currency reform amounts to a joint declaration
by the 12 governments that their new currencies are all equal to the
ECU, which can then be printed by national central banks to replace old
banknotes.
A currency reform over and above the irrevocable fixing of exchange
rates is to be preferred for two reasons. First, the persistence of odd
exchange rates across European currencies complicates transactions
significantly, makes national moneys different from each other per se,
and hence renders monetary integration incomplete. Second, a one-to-one
exchange rate is a clearer message that the monetary union is permanent.
For this reason, the national central banks should start to use the
symbol of the ECU together with that of national currencies (for example
the new Deutschmark note could have both DM and ECU logos on it), since
the public has to be convinced that there are no remaining differences
among national currencies. This reform is the best way of ensuring the
ECU's emergence as the European currency, since it does not generate the
monetary instabilities associated with its introduction as a parallel
money. Immediately after the currency reform, the power to determine the
common monetary policy should be permanently transferred to the ESCB,
Since national currencies will by then have disappeared, ERSA can be
relieved of its initial tasks, and should transform itself into the
open-market branch of the system (carrying out both foreign exchange and
domestic open-market operations).
Undoubtedly, this reform will produce a one-time dramatic increase in
the use of pocket calculators and a considerable but short-lived
nuisance, since it will require the recalculation of all prices and all
outstanding assets and liabilities. This loss should be compared,
however, with the present discounted value of all the gains from moving
to a permanent regime in which all European currencies will have exactly
the same value, and therefore all transactions across Europe and in
particular the management and control of Europe-wide businesses will be
enormously facilitated.
This proposed institutional structure is well suited to evolve into a
`permanent' European central bank for the final phase of monetary
unification, as BCBG could develop from a purely consultative into a
proper decision-making body and ERSA into the principal foreign exchange
intervention bank of the new system. The final currency reform would in
effect amount to no more than a simple redefinition of units, but would
be worth implementing nevertheless, first in order to simplify
transactions in intra- European trade, and second to send a clearer
message that the monetary union was permanent.
This is an abridged version of a paper presented by Alberto
Giovannini (Columbia University and CEPR) at a lunchtime meeting in
Brussels on 21 March, organized jointly by CEPR and the Institut
d'Etudes Européennes. The full text of Professor Giovannini's report is
available from CEPR for £5.00 as Occasional Paper No. 2, The
Transition to Monetary Union.
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