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Europe
and the Dollar
Thrills and
spills?
The reasons behind the large dollar swings of the 1980s are not yet
fully understood, but there is a strong presumption that US policies
played a major part. The absence of an active response in Europe (and
Japan) must also be taken into account, and the apparent lack of policy
coordination must be a crucial part of any explanation of the swings. In
Discussion Paper No. 241, Research Fellow Charles Wyplosz
examines dollar swings from a European perspective assessing their
effects on the European economies and investigating possible policy
responses.
US price competitiveness fell by 40% between late 1979 and early 1985,
only to be restored between early 1985 and late 1987. Despite the size
and duration of the dollar's real appreciation, an examination of market
shares reveals only a small decline in the US share of the European
manufacturing market and a small increase of Europe's share of the US
market. Wyplosz argues that huge real exchange rate swings apparently
deliver minute effects on trade and that, at the aggregate level,
concern with exchange rate movements among large industrialized blocs is
likely to be exaggerated. Dollar swings might also affect Europe through
the effects of terms of trade changes on income, wealth and spending,
and the cumulative impact of income multipliers, but Wyplosz argues that
terms of trade movements do not appear to have had a strong impact on
Europe.
Europeans have complained loudly about the inflationary impact of the
dollar appreciation, comparing it to a third oil shock. Wyplosz examines
several possible linkages involved between European and US price levels.
Goods imported from the US have a direct effect on European prices, but
given their modest share of European expenditure, this channel cannot be
expected to play a major role. A second possible linkage results from
the demand pressure which follows dollar appreciation and a shift in
world demand away from (more expensive) US goods. This shift is likely
to affect European aggregate demand, but only if Europe operated under
very tight capacity constraints could such a shift, spread over several
years, play any major role in European inflation.
The evidence therefore suggests that the relative price, income flow and
inflationary channels through which dollar swings affect Europe are all
limited because the two sides of the Atlantic are relatively closed
economies with only modest direct trade interactions, although financial
linkages are much more powerful.
Any European expansion would therefore need to be very dramatic to have
any significant effects on the US trade or budget deficits, according to
Wyplosz, since both the US and Europe are relatively closed economies.
Assuming that Europe's marginal propensity to import is 17%, a 10%
increase in Europe's GDP would increase its imports by 1.7% of its GDP.
Even if all these imports were provided (directly or via multipliers or
third-country effects) by the US, such a momentous expansion would still
fail to correct the US current account deficit. A more plausible shift,
to 2% higher growth in Europe and 2% lower growth in the US, only
improves the US current account by 0.7% of US GDP. This is hardly large
enough to convince Europe to double its rate of growth if it does not
already see the need for it, or if it fears inflationary pressures.
This does not mean, however, that Europe has no reason to expand.
Wyplosz finds it paradoxical that in the late 1980s, Europe, with the
possible exception of the UK, still fights a vanishing inflation and
accepts record high unemployment. This is largely a failure of
intra-European coordination, not of transatlantic cooperation. According
to Wyplosz the bitter irony is that it is in the best interests of
European governments to expand, irrespective of what it means for the
United States even though what is best for Europe may also be what is
best for the US
The Swinging Dollar: Is Europe out of Step?
Charles Wyplosz
Discussion Paper No. 241, June 1988 (IM)
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