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Trade
Reform
A dangerous panacea?
During the 1980s the import-substitution consensus of policy- makers
in developing countries of previous decades all but evaporated, and even
Mexico and Turkey have now made a decisive push towards trade
liberalization. It is paradoxical that this liberalization took place in
the 1980s, since this has also been a decade of macroeconomic
instability, characterized by the debt crisis, high and variable
inflation and fiscal and balance-of- payments crises, which should
reduce or even offset the conventional benefits of liberalization.
Two main reasons explain this paradox of liberalization during a period
of instability. First a time of crisis may enable the implementation of
radical reforms that would be unthinkable in calmer times. In Bolivia
(in 1985), Mexico (since 1987), and Poland (in 1990), macroeconomic
crises of unprecedented proportions have led to wide-ranging reforms, of
which trade liberalization form only part. Second, the recommendations
of foreign creditors in particular the IMF and World Bank were often
adopted by cash-starved governments who were far from convinced of their
ultimate benefits.
In Discussion Paper No. 447, Research Fellow Dani Rodrik
considers new issues raised by this pattern of reform. First, trade
reform is often met with scepticism on the part of the private sector:
governments in external crisis have little alternative but to accept IMF
and World Bank recommendations, but a subsequent alleviation of their
financial situation may give them couse to halt or reverse the reform.
The resulting lack of credibility causes incentives for adjustment to be
reduced; so the gains from liberalization in terms of productive
efficiency are delayed, and scepticism regarding the sustainability of
reform may prove self-fulfilling.
Second, Rodrik argues that the causal link often drawn between the
prevailing trade policies of the 1970s and the debt crisis is poorly
grounded in theory, since even the most protectionist commercial regimes
are perfectly compatible with external balance and prompt service and
the critical conditions for macroeconomic stability are realistic
exchange rates and small fiscal deficits. Further, the more successful
stabilization programmes to date have emphasized radical trade reform at
the outset, which can help to break down established practices and
increase governments' credibility in fighting inflation.
Finally, in the imperfectly-competitive markets that characterize
developing countries, arguments based on the potential of foreign trade
to spur entrepreneurial instincts and productivity, exploit returns to
scale, and force domestic monopolists to behave competitively are
difficult to sustain either empirically or theoretically. Theoretical
models generally yield ambiguous predictions concerning the impact of
liberalization on an imperfectly competitive economy; and the empirical
record is weak and inconclusive.
Rodrik concludes that if free trade is adopted as the sole answer to the
economic crisis of the 1980s just as developing countries embraced
protectionist policies in the 1950s and 1960s as a holistic solution to
the problems of development then this will lead to unrealistic
expectations of what may be accomplished through the use of trade policy
alone.
Trade Policies and Development: Some New Issues
Dani Rodrik
Discussion Paper No. 447, August 1990 (IT)
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