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Aid
Flows
The Dutch disease in
Africa
One of the main
purposes of development aid has always been the creation of a stronger
export sector, in the hope that the increased export revenues so
generated would eventually do away with the need for aid as a source of
foreign exchange. Export performance in Africa has been almost uniformly
disappointing, however, although this continent has always been a major
recipient of aid. High real wages and steady upward pressure on the real
exchange rate (defined as the relative price of home or non-traded goods
to traded goods) appear to have thwarted export growth. These trends are
documented in the World Bank's 1984 study of Sub-Saharan Africa. In
Discussion Paper No. 88, Research Fellow Sweder van Wijnbergen
points out the possibility of a causal link between development aid and
poor export performance: Africa, he says, may suffer from the 'Dutch
Disease'.
Van Wijnbergen notes that aid, like many otherwise effective medicines,
has unwanted side-effects. Policy-makers realise that aid will exert
upward pressure on the real exchange rate, lead to increased labour
costs in those sectors of the economy producing traded goods, and reduce
external competitiveness. A substantial increase in the volume of aid
inflows may therefore lead to reduced export performance. If this is to
be avoided, policy- makers must introduce measures explicitly designed
to reduce the conflict between export promotion and aid, argues van
Wijnbergen.
Van Wijnbergen outlines the circumstances under which this conflict is
particularly severe and the need for policy adjustment most urgent.
Increases in aid will permanently reduce productivity in export
sectors when externalities such as 'learning-by-doing' are present in
the traded-goods sector. When there is learning-by-doing, productivity
in a sector depends on cumulative output over time. Aid, by reducing
output in the export sector, causes the industries in this sector to
suffer an absence of 'learning' and a loss of productivity. Policies
explicitly designed to promote exports are called for in this case, and
this argument is strengthened by capital-market imperfections.
Under such circumstances, increased aid will magnify the cost of trade
policies which are 'inward-oriented' and biased against exports. There
is a very real possibility of a vicious circle, according to van
Wijnbergen. Distortionary trade policies which are biased against
exports lead to poor trade performance and lower real income, which in
turn makes the country involved a more likely aid recipient. Increased
aid will then lead to further deterioration in trade performance and
increase the dynamic costs of anti-export policies, while at the same
time allowing their continuation. This analysis, van Wijnbergen argues,
supports the case for aid conditionality: aid should be
conditional on the elimination of any bias against international trade
that is present in domestic tax or trade policies.
Van Wijnbergen concludes by presenting empirical evidence for six
African countries of the relationship between increases in real aid
flows and appreciation of the real exchange rate. It is this
relationship that underlies the possible conflict between aid and export
performance. Moreover, in the theoretical analysis, upward pressure on
real product wages in the traded-goods sector was identified as an
important element of the mechanism through which aid leads to real
appreciation. The econometric evidence presented by van Wijnbergen
strongly confirms this relationship between higher aid flows and
increased real product wages in the traded-goods sector.
Aid, Export Promotion and the Real Exchange Rate: An African Dilemma?
Sweder van Wijnbergen
Discussion
Paper No. 88, December 1985 (IT)
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