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Monetary
Integration
German EMU
At a lunchtime meeting on 16 November, Michael Burda spoke on
the economic consequences of German unification. Dr Burda is Associate
Professor of Economics at the Institut Européenne d'Administration des
Affaires (INSEAD), Fontainebleau, and a Research Fellow in the
International Macroeconomics programme at the Centre for Economic Policy
Research. His talk was based on CEPR Discussion Paper No. 449, `The
Consequences of German Economic and Monetary Union'. This paper and the
meeting form part of the Centre's research programme on `The Economic
Transformation of Eastern Europe', for which financial support is
provided by the Commission of the European Communities under its SPES
programme. The views expressed by Dr Burda were his own, however, and
not those of the Commission nor of CEPR, which takes no institutional
policy positions.
Burda began by noting that recent events in Germany and in Eastern
Europe have made `back-of-the envelope' calculations respectable among
economists once more, since the only data available for more
sophisticated calculations are incredible, obsolete, or referring to
items that no longer exist. He argued that many recent assessments of
German economic and monetary union had exaggerated its monetary
implications and correspondingly neglected its real effects. Monetary
union brought about a one-off shift in the level of the DM-zone monetary
aggregates commensurate with the increase in real activity implied by
economic union, whose effects were largely complete by 2 July 1990. On
the other hand, the real effects of converting all transactions at the
1:1 rate have increased the risks of structural unemployment,
large-scale emigration, low foreign investment and the development of a
`Mezzogiorno syndrome' in Eastern Germany.
Burda maintained that factor mobility will play the key role in
determining the fate of Eastern Germany in the next decade. Mass
migration to Western Germany is likely if conditions deteriorate as
expected in the East. This may be forestalled by the movement of
physical capital in the opposite direction, but this will depend
critically on private sector perceptions of investment opportunities and
the settlement of outstanding disputes over property rights.
Burda argued that the real resource flows implied by German economic and
monetary union are staggering, but nevertheless manageable within ten
years. He maintained that the living standards of the two zones measured
in real terms differed by a factor of at least 4:1, while Eastern
Germany suffered from open unemployment of some 750,000 and hidden
unemployment of about 2 million. Equipping Eastern German workers with
half the public and private capital stocks of their Western German
counterparts at 1990 prices would require expenditures of roughly DM 2
trillion, i.e. a resource flow of roughly DM 200 billion per year over a
ten-year period. This figure is additional to the increase in Eastern
Germans' consumption that would be required to dissuade them from
migrating to the West.
Burda noted that the current surge in demand for both investment and
consumption goods in Eastern Germany and the rest of Eastern Europe has
raised activity in Western German industries to operating levels not
witnessed since the late 1960s. This will lead to a real exchange rate
appreciation in the short run, which will probably be undone in the
longer run, however, as the DM- zone moves into deficit.
The danger of migration might alternatively be averted by deliberately
maintaining the prices of non-traded goods, such as housing, transport
and energy, at their current low levels. If such a `relative price
divide' kept Eastern German product wages low in in the near term, this
would promote investment and discourage migration. Such a policy would
also be relatively easy to implement, since many of these prices are
controlled by the state, and Eastern Germany as the lower productivity
region should have lower price levels in any case. Regulating the prices
of such non-tradables may slow the renovation of the housing stock, but
this would enable more economically justifiable investment in productive
equipment to take place. A major programme of public investment in the
East would further enhance its total factor productivity, thus enabling
both wages and profitability to rise.
Burda also noted a number of institutional features peculiar to Germany
that will complicate and perhaps worsen matters. First, unemployment
benefits in Western Germany provide insufficient pressure on workers to
change occupations, while those in the East, although low in absolute
terms, have no effective time- limit. Second, the legal `extension' of
wage agreements reached through collective bargaining to cover
non-unionized enterprises will impede outsiders including newly
unemployed Eastern Germans from underbidding employed workers in either
region. Third, the practice of Kurzarbeit (or `short-time work') whereby
the (West) German government subsidizes the reduction of working time,
has now been extended to the moribund Eastern German enterprises, thus
removing pressure of threatened bankruptcy and postponing structural
change. Fourth, the state property office (the Treuhandanstalt) is
encountering considerable difficulties in selling off state property. If
a slow-down of privatization reduces the flow of transfers to the East,
the necessary restructuring will be further postponed as enterprises
receive further subsidies for short-time work or from the common
earnings fund managed by the Treuhandanstalt. Under such conditions,
managers of state-owned firms have little incentive to resist wage
increases and may behave as `agents without principals', although Burda
noted that the government might reduce this subsidy to permit the
emergence of open unemployment following the election of 2 December.
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