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Migration
and Trade
Sending Country
Effects
A joint CEPR workshop with the Innocenzo Gasparini Institute for
Economic Research (IGIER) on 'Migration, Trade and the Impact on the
Sending Country' was held in Milan on 1/2 December 1995. The workshop
was organized by Riccardo Faini (Universita degli Studi di
Brescia, IGIER and CEPR) and Cormac O'Grada (University College
Dublin and CEPR). The workshop was organized within the framework of
CEPR's Migration Network, supported by a grant from the European
Commission under its Human Capital and Mobility Programme. Additional
funding was provided by the Centro Studi Luca d'Agliano.
In 'Wage and Mobility Effects of Trade and Migration', jointly written
with Klaus F Zimmermann (SELAPO, Universität München and CEPR),
John P Haisken-De New ( SELAPO, Universität München)
investigates the relative importance of trade and immigration for
earnings and job mobility of German male workers. Using panel data,
changes of workplace within the firm as between the firms are separated
from occupational changes. The authors find that trade matters more than
migration. Wages are affected negatively by a relative increase in
imports, and positively by immigration. Trade seems to depress
occupational mobility and internal movement, but stimulates inter-firm
changes. Immigration affects intra-firm changes negatively, but is
largely unrelated with other aspects of labour mobility.
Giorgio Basevi (Universita di Bologna) questioned the choice of a
stock variable capturing the impact of immigration: doesn't the
immigration flow matter more? Because of the endogeneity of immigration
in the model, the choice of appropriate instruments becomes important. Timothy
Hatton (University of Essex and CEPR) suggested that these should be
chosen following the logic of a migration equation. Riccardo Faini argued
that the results on the influence of trade and migration are difficult
to reconcile from a theoretical viewpoint. Jaime de Melo (Université
de Genève and CEPR) suggested that the influence of trade on wages
could be estimated by separate sectoral equations rather than using an
aggregate variable (i.e. the trade deficit).
How can the consequences of immigration for economic welfare in the
destination country be estimated properly? In 'Modelling the Effects of
Migration on the Destination Country: Some Simulations for Switzerland' Tobias
Muller (Université de Genève) addresses this issue by using a
computable general equilibrium model for Switzerland. He discusses the
role of different modelling assumptions concerning factor markets and
foreign trade. Welfare effects of immigration are negative only if the
price elasticity of export demand is assumed to be relatively small, so
that immigration produces an (implausibly) large terms-of-trade
deterioration. Conversely, welfare gains are larger if immigrant labour
is an imperfect substitute for native labour. However, these gains are
substantially weakened with international capital mobility.
Ian Wooton (University of Glasgow and CEPR) pointed out that this
paper is an exercise in numerical simulation, in that the empirical
model is really being employed to examine the implications of adopting
different assumptions about the structure of factor markets. The model
is not being used to examine the effects of migration on the Swiss
economy. He then gave an explanation of why the results differ crucially
between the case where foreign and native labour are differentiated and
the homogeneous labour case. With homogeneous labour the gains arise
from two sources: as immigration increases, the value marginal product
of labour falls yielding infra-marginal gains accruing to the owners of
capital and also resulting in a redistribution of income from workers to
the owners of capital. To the degree that the Swiss own relatively more
capital than the immigrants, this is a redistribution in favour of Swiss
households. When labour is heterogeneous there are additional gains
possible from the immigration. If Swiss workers are complements in
production for immigrant workers, further immigration raises the value
marginal productivity of the Swiss workers to their benefit.
In 'Migration as Disaster Relief: Lessons from the Great Irish Famine' Cormac
O'Grada and Kevin O'Rourke (University College Dublin and
CEPR) re-examine the historical record of the Irish famine. In the 1840s
many Irish had the possibility to emigrate, an option not available to
today's famine victims. Emigration differs from other types of disaster
relief in at least two ways. First, poverty traps imply that it cannot
help those who are most in need. Cross-country data clearly point to the
existence of such a poverty trap during the Irish famine. Second, food
relief is temporary: when the crisis has passed, the aid ceases. By
contrast, Irish famine emigrants did not return. The Irish famine thus
differed from more recent famines in that it had permanent demographic
consequences.
Timothy J Hatton welcomed the detailed quantitative analysis of
this historical episode. He stressed the three main points of the
article: the authors give a more Malthusian interpretation of the famine
than past work did, they discuss the issue of 'emigrant quality', and
they show clearly that the famine had long-lasting consequences on
population growth in Ireland. However, he questioned the authors'
conclusion on the existence of a poverty constraint to emigration, since
many boat tickets were sent over by relatives who had already emigrated
to North America. And why didn't the poor emigrate to England, which
would have been a cheaper option?
What is the role of emigration in the transition from a closed communist
system to an open market economy? Peter Sanfey (University of
Kent) presented 'Job Creation, Job Destruction and Temporary Emigration:
the Albanian Experience', written jointly with Ahmet Mancellari
(University of Tirana), and Harry Papapanagos (University of
Kent). In this paper, the authors analyse the recent experience of
Albania, where the fall in production and aggregate employment since
1989 has been accompanied by large scale, and mostly temporary,
emigration. They examine the effect of emigration on job flows and
unemployment during the transition. The authors demonstrate that the
rapid growth in emigration has been associated recently with increased
job creation and employment growth in the private sector, suggesting
that remittances are playing a key role in the restructuring of the
economy.
Alessandra Venturini (University of Bergamo) appreciated this
paper because, on the one hand, it provides information on the economy
of a very little known European country and, on the other hand, it
highlights the positive short run effect of temporary emigration
(through remittances and a relaxed labour market). However, it neglects
the potential negative impact of emigration in the long run: permanent
emigrants diminish their remittances over time and represent a loss of
human capital for the country of origin, reducing thereby long run
growth. This issue could only be analysed in a dynamic, forward-looking
model.
It is generally agreed in the literature that immigrants to the US have
assimilated quite well in the twentieth century: receiving initially
lower wages than natives, they catch up after a few years. Examining
data for the late nineteenth century, some authors have found very
different results. Contrary to conventional wisdom, they suggest that
pre-1890 immigrants did not assimilate well into the American labour
market because their earnings grew relatively slowly and did not
converge towards native earnings patterns. In 'The Immigrant
Assimilation Puzzle in Late 19th Century America' Timothy Hatton re-examines
these results and shows that the nineteenth-century 'assimilation
puzzle' disappears when the earnings function is specified correctly. In
his estimations, he finds earning profiles that are more consistent with
conventional wisdom and with the results for post second World War
immigrants.
Kevin O'Rourke observed that this was a convincing attack on the
historical literature on immigrant assimilation, demonstrating that the
results are crucially sensitive to the assumption of quadratic earnings
functions. However, Hatton's own functional specification also seems
arbitrary, which makes one wonder how robust his results are. In
addition, all historical studies (including this one) suffer from
problems not besetting the literature on immigration after 1945: they
only incorporate data on particular industries in particular states.
This makes the problem associated with inferring temporal patterns from
cross-section data more acute. O'Rourke concluded therefore that the
recent work by Joe Ferris, who traced individual immigrants through
subsequent censuses and found that they did assimilate, is unlikely to
be challenged by any cross-section study.
Recently the 'new migration theory' has emphasized that migration can
occur as a response to risk attitudes, even in the absence of
significant wage or unemployment differentials. In 'Where do Migrants Go
? Risk-Aversion, Mobility Costs and the Locational Choice of Migrants' Francesco
Daveri (University of Brescia and IGIER) and Riccardo Faini argue
that the link between inter-regional and international migration can
provide an interesting testing ground for this theory. Whereas most of
the literature analyzes the determinants of migration (whether to
migrate), their paper is focused on the choice of destination (where to
migrate). If incomes in different locations are imperfectly correlated,
the possibility of emigration gives households scope for risk
diversification. If the country of origin has a poorly diversified
economy, inter-regional migration is ineffective in achieving this
purpose and migration flows are expected to be biased towards foreign
destinations. The authors test the predictions of their model with data
on migration outflows from eight regions in southern Italy. Using
measures of labour income riskiness at home and abroad, they conclude
that the desire to diversify risk plays a substantial role in the
migration decision.
Jean-Marie Grether (Université de Genève) pointed out that the
possibility of risk diversification inside the family is simply assumed
away: because of the assumption of concave mobility costs, all members
of the family will relocate in the same place. The effective
diversification only appears at the aggregate level, as households
differ in terms of location-specific costs. Efforts to model risk
diversification within a single household could therefore be worthwhile.
Timothy Hatton suggested that the option value of migration could be
introduced in a forward-looking setting.
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