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Wage
Rigidity
Does It Explain
Unemployment?
The Chancellor and the Treasury have recently argued that the current
high levels of unemployment in the UK are the result of real wages which
are "too high'. Research Fellow Robert Gordon, speaking at a March
22 lunchtime meeting, argued that the data no longer support this
explanation of unemployment. The lunchtime meeting was followed by an
afternoon workshop devoted to an exploration of the relationship between
real wages and unemployment. The Employment Market Research Unit of the
Department of Employment provided financial support for the meeting and
workshop.
Gordon noted that recent discussion of macroeconomic policy in Europe
has been dominated by the belief that real wage growth has not shown
enough downward flexibility in response to the worldwide deceleration of
productivity growth since 1973. Wage and price adjustment is
conventionally thought to be quite different in Europe and the US, and
this difference seems confirmed by the stark contrast between recovery
in the US and relative stagnation in Europe.
This "classical' unemployment hypothesis has gained wide acceptance
in Europe, Gordon noted, and represents an intellectual obstacle to
stimulative aggregate demand policy. If unemployment has risen in
response to excessive real wage growth, then an expansion of aggregate
demand would merely cause inflation instead of higher employment and
output. The case for the classical unemployment hypothesis has been made
by Michael Bruno and Jeffrey Sachs. They demonstrated that since the
late 1960s the real wage in European manufacturing has risen relative to
the average product of labour, i.e there has been an increase in the
"wage gap'.
Gordon argued that an examination of the wage-gap data for Europe and
the US does not support the classical unemployment hypothesis, at
least in the manufacturing sector. In the early 1980s the US
manufacturing sector has exhibited a more adverse wage gap than any
country in Europe (with some minor exceptions). Gordon's research shows
that there is no cross-country correlation between the increases in
unemployment and the increase in the manufacturing wage gap since the
late 1960s. The wage-gap theory may have been appropriate to explain the
experience of the 1970s, when wage rates increased faster than
productivity and wage gaps for European countries exhibited a uniform
"hump'. These European wage gaps have now declined or disappeared,
yet high levels of unemployment remain. Gordon argued that wage-gap
explanation is therefore obsolete.
Gordon's research decomposed the quarterly growth rate of wages into
various components, each of which can exert its effects with substantial
lags. Gordon then investigated whether differences exist across
countries in the wage and price adjustment process.
This approach allows explicit modelling of the influence on wage
behaviour of supply shocks, the productivity slowdown and tax changes.
The wage equation can be used to identify the role of real-wage
stickiness and to determine whether this "stickiness' differs
across countries.
Gordon found evidence of real wage stickiness between 1973-77 in eight
countries. The effect was insignificant for the US but substantial for
Europe and Japan. There was a reversal in the effect in 1978-83 in
France, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway and Sweden. The overall effect
of real-wage stickiness for OECD Europe is positive for 1973-77 but
roughly zero for 1978-83.
Gordon noted that wage and price inflation is now stable in the UK and
the rest of Europe. One might draw from this the pessimistic conclusion
that the level of unemployment sufficient to maintain a stable rate of
inflation has risen sharply, and that European economies are now
operating at this level. If this were so, policies to stimulate
aggregate demand would only reignite inflation.
The European situation, however, could be interpreted in a different
fashion. If a high level of unemployment persists for long periods, it
may cease to exert downward pressure on the rate of inflation. The
Phillips curve relationship between the rate of inflation and level of
unemployment would therefore break down.
Gordon argued that the Phillips curve seemed to disappear in exactly
this fashion in the US between 1929-41 and in the UK between 1923-38. In
the US prices went down when unemployment was rising, and went up when
unemployment fell. The rate of change of prices did not continue to fall
in response to a decade of high unemployment, as the Phillips curve
would suggest. In the UK unemployment remained at 10% without any
apparent tendency for a continuing deceleration of wage and price
changes. Analysis of the data from these periods might suggest that the
unemployment rate at which the economy can be operated at a stable rate
of inflation - the NAIRU - was 15% in the US and 10% in the UK. The
analysis would also have suggested that aggregate demand expansion to
reduce unemployment below these figures would be unsustainable. The
experience of the post-war period shows that much lower rates of
unemployment were possible, despite this statistical evidence. This,
Gordon argued, may also be true today and may explain the strong US
growth after the tax reductions.
CEPR Associate Programme Director Grayham Mizon chaired the afternoon
workshop. Richard Layard (LSE) presented the first paper, entitled
"The Causes of British Unemployment.' This was based on joint work
with Steve Nickell (Oxford and CEPR). Their model allowed both
"classical' unemployment, due to wages which were too high, and
"Keynesian' unemployment, due to deficient aggregate demand.
Employment was assumed to depend on both real aggregate demand and real
wages. Markets were not perfectly competitive, and firms set prices as a
mark-up on their wage costs. The mark-up is lower if wage inflation is
increasing. Unions, on the other hand, set nominal wages as a mark-up on
prices. The wage mark-up is lower if there is more unemployment or if
"push' factors are operating less strongly. In the short run,
Layard argued, unemployment depends on the "push' factors (social
security, employment protection, unions, taxes, relative import prices,
etc.) which determine the real wage targets of workers, as well as
aggregate demand. The empirical results presented by Layard suggested
that the rise in unemployment between 1975-79 was mostly due to
"push' factors, such as real wages. The increase after 1980 could
be attributed primarily to the fall in aggregate demand.
Participants questioned the specification of the aggregate demand
factors, which included the ratio of the adjusted budget deficit to
potential GDP, competitiveness and world trade. Michael Beenstock (City
University and CEPR) questioned the appropriateness of the NIESR
adjusted budget deficit series. Geoffrey Dicks (LBS) suggested that
competitiveness might not be an appropriate index of the stance of
aggregate demand policy. Robert Gordon pointed out that the productivity
slowdown of the 1970s was not accounted for; Layard responded that
proxies for it were not significant in the labour demand equation.
The second paper, "The Relationship Between Employment and Wages',
was presented by John Odling-Smee (HM Treasury). He discussed
simulations of the effects of permanently lower nominal wages, using the
Treasury model. Nominal wages were an endogenous variable, determined
within the Treasury model; the simulations were carried out by
overriding the equation in the model which explained this variable. The
Treasury simulations indicated that both output and employment would go
up, with the increases in employment higher than those in output. The
lags were long, however; it took three years for an appreciable
increase. The magnitude of the effects also depended on the fiscal and
monetary stance following the cut in nominal wages. With "tight'
policies of unchanged tax and interest rates, the increases in output
and employment would be substantially lower than with an unchanged level
of nominal aggregate demand. These simulations were seen by participants
as confirming the Layard thesis that both aggregate demand and real wage
influenced employment.
In a short presentation, Robin Bladen-Hovell (Manchester) presented
provisional simulation results on a similar exercise with the NIESR
model. Lower wages were shown to lead to lower employment. This
result occasioned widespread disbelief among participants, and was
attributed to the absence of any direct real-wage effect in the model
equation determining employment.
Wages are explained within the Treasury model and are therefore
"endogenous' to the model. Both simulations discussed at the
workshop forced wages to assume a particular value, instead of allowing
the model to generate its own level of wages. This was accomplished by
removing the equation explaining wages from the model. Grayham Mizon
argued that this was an inappropriate procedure. Valid and useful
information could be obtained from simulations in which values of
variables "exogenous' to the model are chosen so as to produce a
particular value of an endogenous variable. Exogenous variables are by
definition explained outside the model, and can be varied by the
investigator without violating the logic of the model itself. Simply
"fixing' the value of an endogenous variable is inappropriate,
because it violates the logic by which the model was constructed.
Participants also questioned the mechanism which might bring about lower
wages within the Treasury model. The model itself could not throw much
light on this, since it does not account for the supply side of the
labour market.
Robert Gordon (Northwestern University and CEPR) presented the third
paper, entitled "Wage-Price Dynamics and the Natural Rate of
Unemployment in Europe, Japan and North America'. He discussed in
greater detail the research which formed the background to his lunchtime
remarks.
Robert Solow (MIT) argued that Gordon's estimate of the 1983 difference
between real wage and productivity growth (wage gap) for the US was too
high. Gordon replied that this might be the result of the appreciation
of the dollar, which limited price increases in US manufacturing.
Michael Artis (Manchester and CEPR) mentioned evidence that showed
asymmetries in price responses to appreciations and depreciations of
exchange rates. David Stanton (Department of Employment) questioned
whether Gordon's estimates of cross-country differences in adjustment
processes were significant, given the standard errors of the estimated
parameters. Richard Layard argued that wages would be affected by labour
conditions in the economy as a whole, and not merely in the
manufacturing sector.
Grayham Mizon noted in his concluding remarks that the workshop papers
had provided useful evidence concerning the relationship between wages
and unemployment. The discussion had suggested to him that what was now
required was a thorough econometric evaluation and comparison of the
alternative models. This would require "reducing' the large-scale
models to sub-models involving only their labour markets.
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