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Coal
in the 1930s
The first lame
duck?
It is now generally
accepted that Britain's current industrial problems are by no means new.
The history of the coal-mining industry in the interwar years and more
recently illustrates many of the difficulties created by a stagnant or
shrinking market. The apparent economic needs of the industry were
reorganization and the closing of surplus capacity, but these measures
would have been costly, both to the industry itself and the economy as a
whole, either because they required further investment or subsidy, or
because they would have led to increased unemployment. The prospect of
such heavy costs inhibited private and public policy formulation and
generated social and industrial strife. Government policy was largely an
exercise in 'damage limitation', which itself generated hidden costs by
fostering unproductive firms.
In a lunchtime meeting held on 4 June, Research Fellow Barry Supple
examined the the role that conflicts between economic efficiency and
social welfare played in the formulation of policy towards the coal
industry in the 1930s, and he attempted to illustrate how far these
problems have continued into the 1980s. Barry Supple is Professor of
Economic History at Cambridge University and the Master of St
Catherine's College, Cambridge. He based his lunchtime talk on his
contribution to a forthcoming history of the British coal industry.
In the 1920s and 1930s, the coal industry was subject to massive excess
capacity. Between 1923 and 1945, employment in the industry fell from
1.2 to 0.8 million, and the British share of the world coal market
dropped from 59% to 37%. In part, this can be explained by increased
competition, not only from other countries producing coal but also from
cheaper substitute fuels. Before 1914 demand for coal was rising at an
annual rate of 4%; after the war British exports of coal plummeted and
domestic demand remained stagnant.
As a result, the coal industry faced substantial structural problems:
its labour force was isolated in mining communities and its capital
stock locked into highly specific uses. Average costs appeared too high,
and capacity was excessive. Supple noted that labour accounted for 75%
of costs, and that after attempts in 1921 and 1926 to reduce wages had
led to massive industrial unrest, it was generally recognized that there
was a certain level, a 'social wage', below which wages could not be
reduced. Between 1929 and 1938, nominal wages in the industry increased
by 3% even though retail prices fell by 5%.
The operation of market forces seemed incapable of solving the problems
of costs and capacity, Supple argued, and a number of routes normally
open for solving the problems of an industry in structural decline were
closed. First, there were moral and political, as well as economic,
limits to the extent to which wages could be cut or pits closed down.
Second, investment and technical and organizational innovation within
the industry was necessarily complex, expensive and risky: the pay-off
from innovation was uncertain, the response of the labour force was
unpredictable, and capital, once invested, could not be withdrawn. These
disincentives to further investment together with the fragmented
structure of the industry (1500 firms and 3000 mines in 1913) were major
barriers to raising productivity. Third, mergers and industrial
restructuring, which might have reduced capacity and helped realize
economies of scale, would have necessitated massive reorganization.
Closures entailed large costs, and the coal-owners were not persuaded of
the advantages of larger enterprises. Finally, the fragmented coal
industry proved incapable of securing voluntary market control in order
to maintain prices.
Although policies to restructure the industry were unacceptable for
social reasons, the government was able to compel firms in the industry
to participate in marketing and quota schemes. Attempts in the 1920s to
maintain price levels by voluntary agreements had proved highly
vulnerable to 'free-rider' behaviour on the part of a few coal-owners.
Consequently, the 1930 Coal Mines Act established a quota system of
market shares in order to restrain competition within the industry and
bolster prices. Even this proved inadequate, and in 1936 legislation was
passed compelling coal-owners to sell their produce through central
marketing agencies. The aim of these schemes, Supple noted, was not so
much to limit the overall level of unemployment, but to prevent its
concentration in the close-knit coal communities, with the distress and
instability it was feared this would entail. The Secretary for Mines
claimed in 1933 that the schemes preserved 150,000 jobs and were 'a
buffer between the community and economic and social strife in the coal
industry'.
Supple argued that in the 1930s, anti-competition legislation achieved
substantial success in preserving social stability, although it is
difficult to tell whether it had any effect on the level of
unemployment. In economic terms, Supple conjectured that the schemes, by
raising prices, probably did succeed in containing the number of pits
that were unprofitable, but this made no impact on inefficiency.
This is hardly surprising, since the quota system was explicitly
designed to protect the market shares of pits which were inefficient.
Mergers were recognized to be a useful means for reorganizing and
closing excess capacity as well as for stimulating integration and
specialization. But although the Act of 1930 included facilities to
encourage reorganization, the legislative attempt to rationalize the
industry was a failure, partly because of obstruction and the
toothlessness of the legal provisions, but also because the government
dared not pursue increased industrial concentration and higher
productivity at a time of mass unemployment. Even after the legislation
was strengthened in 1938, the Chairman of the new Coal Commission felt
that Parliament would balk at pit closures and be 'swayed by the
contrary stresses of head and heart, recognizing the economic necessity
of amalgamations, but fearing their social consequences'.
The state was unwilling to take measures which would aggravate the
immediate social problems of the depressed areas, but it was equally
unwilling to adopt social policies to alleviate those problems. This
timid, uncertain and contradictory policy achieved the worst of both
worlds, Supple claimed. It fostered conservatism in the coal industry,
which manifested itself in a lack of industrial purpose and continued
inefficiency. These conditions were instrumental in shaping a consensus
for nationalization in 1945. By the mid-1940s, the coal industry was
generally recognized to be ailing, beyond the help of its owners and
workforce. Ideological considerations and financial constraints ruled
out subsidies to facilitate reorganization and, Supple argued,
nationalization was almost inevitable.
Supple argued that although public ownership has solved the prewar
problem of securing coordinated action within the industry, it has not
solved the problem of balancing long-run economic efficiency and
medium-run social welfare. Although a unitary coal industry has
facilitated some structural changes, at least in the context of a
full-employment economy and generous redundancy payments, the economic,
social and occasionally political costs are still daunting. Even when
the political will exists to pursue rationalization, as in 1984-5, the
industry is still left in a very favoured (and expensive) position with
regard to compensation for closures. In the 1930s, the Government's
attitude to the coal industry was strongly influenced by social goals,
but this was never translated into more positive policies for community
welfare in mining areas or for industrial reconstruction. Coal in the
interwar period was in effect the first 'lame duck' of British industry.
It illustrates the difficult choice for government between allowing
excess capacity to be reduced by sporadic liquidations and intervening
in a concerted attempt to alleviate the social consequences of a fall in
production.
Supple concluded by noting that in the 1980s the situation of coal and
other 'lame duck' industries is rather different. Government can act
more decisively to deal with overcapacity because the economy and
welfare state provide a number of alternative livelihoods for those that
might be put out of work. In the 1930s, fuel imports were restricted by
transportation costs, whereas in the 1980s, alternatives to UK coal are
easily imported and there is intense competition between fuels.
The discussion which followed the talk ranged widely over the problems
of the coal industry in the 1980s. One member of the audience pointed
out that Japan had taken a radically different strategy, deciding
instead to depend on imported fuels, playing suppliers off against each
other and avoiding the consequences of declining fuel industries. This,
it was argued, had benefitted the Japanese greatly, creating a
cheap-fuel economy and allowing resources to be directed into more
modern sectors. Supple accepted that this had been very advantageous for
the Japanese, but he pointed out that in Britain in the 1930s new
industries into which to redirect investment did not yet exist and would
have had to be created.
Another questioner wondered whether a decentralized wage bargaining
structure would have benefited the industry, by allowing threatened pits
to negotiate wage levels which were below the industry average. Although
Supple agreed that this would have made the industry more flexible and
reduced its total wage bill, he would have expected many pits to have
been forced to pay even higher wages, and the consequences for
employment and social stability could still not be ignored.
Finally, in answer to a question about the benefits the coal industry
could have derived from economies to scale, Supple argued that there
were some economies which were not realized. The most efficient
companies were prevented from operating at full capacity by the
marketing schemes and quotas, and the continued lack of restructuring in
the industry throughout the interwar period prevented coordinated
decision-making.
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